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The World Shipping Council, the industry’s primary trade group, has criticized both measures but posted on its website that the Senate version “provides regulators enough authority to get the final rules right.” Carriers have notoriously turned down farmers and producers, leaving American ports empty-handed in order to pick up more profitable Chinese products. The main distinction is that the House version outright forbids shipping companies from refusing to transport agricultural exports overseas, while the Senate version hands off regulatory decisions to the Federal Maritime Commission. Klobuchar from the very moment she decided she wanted to work on this issue … to fashion a Senate bill that was as robust and informative of the power that the FMC needed to have,” he said. Speaking to The Intercept, Garamendi downplayed the differences between the two. It was ultimately the latter measure that prevailed in reconciliation discussions and will arrive on the House floor next week. Klobuchar and Thune’s measure, a watered-down version that’s more tolerable for the shipping industry, passed the Senate unanimously in March. But Garamendi’s bill is stronger, and it has already overwhelmingly passed the chamber multiple times over the past year, both as a stand-alone and as an amendment to larger pieces of legislation. Neither piece of legislation goes all the way to overturn the antitrust immunity that has emboldened shipping companies, nor does either bring the hammer down on the consolidated agriculture industry that’s hoping to reduce its shipping costs. With an agreement finally in place, the impending vote tees the bill up to go to the White House for President Joe Biden’s signature, Garamendi, who first sponsored the House version, told The Intercept. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., and John Thune, R-S.D., for months to reconcile the different approaches to reform the legislators introduced in their respective chambers. John Garamendi, D-Calif., and Dusty Johnson, R-S.D., have been working with Sens.